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Full text of ""The brightest day of Republicanism" : address"







"THE BRIGHTEST DAY OF REPUBLICANISM". 
By 
Jeter Conley Pritchard 






4 



Raleign 



WOBTH-J&mOLJM A STATE^Lmnfi*™ 



The Brightest Day 
of Republicanism 



55 



ADDRESS OF 

HON. J. C. PRITCHARD 



livered Before the Republican State Convention at Greensboro, 

N. C, August 28, 1902 



"When the Constitutional Amendment was adopted by the people of the State 
assed out of the realm of politics, and if Senator Simmons, Gov. Aycock and the 
iv leaders of the Democratic party meant what they said two years ago there can 
no such thing as a race issue in this State.'' 



44 



BRIGHTEST DAY OF REPUBLICANISM" 




HON. J. C. PRITCHARD 



It is highly gratifying to have the 
pleasure of addressing the large and 
intelligent audience which greets me on 
this occasion. We have at last reached 
that period in our history as a state 
when the issues raised in a political cam- 
paigns ought to be considered from a 
purely business standpoint. In order 
that we may act intelligently when we 
come to cast our votes in November 
next, it is highly important that each 
citizen in the state should study the 
various questions that are presented to 
us for our consideration, and in at- 



tempting to reach a correct conclusion 
as to which political party is entitled 
to our support we should carefully con- 
sider the records of the two political par- 
ties within the past few years. 

It is not my purpose to review our 
political history ae a nation, beyond 
President Harrison's administration, 
feeling as I do that such an effort on 
my part would cast but little light 
upon the present situation and would 
necessarily be a needless waste of time 
that could be more profitably employed 
in another direction. 

All will remember the splendid con- 



<dition of our governmental affairs, as 
well as the general prosperity which 
pervaded every section of this country 
during the administration of President 
Harrison. Our manufacturing indus- 
tries were being rapidly developed, and 
the southern people, during that pe- 
riod, made more real progress than 
they had made during any period sub- 
sequent to the late civil war. Our cir- 
culating medium had gradually in- 
creased until it had reached the sum 
of $25 per capita. In 1892, at a time 
when the country was in the midst of 
peace and plenty, the American people 
for some reason which has never been 
explained, placed the control of our gov- 
ernment in the hands of the democratic 
party. The election that year resulted 
in the selection of a democratic presi- 
dent, a democratic house of representa- 
tives and a democratic senate. Presi- 
dent Harrison's administration had been 
crowned with success from every stand- 
point, and when he turned over the 
government on March 4th, 1893, every 
department was in first class condition. 
"We had not only been able during his 
administration to meet every obligation 
of the government, and on the first day 
of March, 1893, there was a cash bal- 
ance in the treasury of $24,128,087.88, as 
well as a gold reserve fund of $100,000,- 
000. Thus it will be seen that Mr. 
Cleveland assumed control of our af- 
fairs under most favorable conditions. 
His party had control of both branches 
•of congress, the country was at peace, 
both at home and abroad, his adminis- 
tration inherited no vexed question. 
You may search both ancient and mod- 
ern history, and you will not find an in- 
stance wherein a political party ever 
assumed control of the affairs of a 
government under conditions as favor- 
able in every respect as those that ob- 
tained when Mr. Cleveland took the 
oath of office. 

Beginning* of "Hard Times" 

Those of us who live south of Mason and 
Dixon's line had been told by the dem- 
ocratic leaders of the south that the one 
thing necessary to make the happiness 
-of the American people complete and 
perpetual would be to give their party 
a president and a good working ma- 
jority in both branches of congress. 
You no doubt remember the eloquent 
appeals that have been made to you in 
the past by the distinguished democrats 



who have represented North Carolina in 
congress. It is true they have not sung 
exactly the same tune during each cam- 
paign. Sometimes it was the interna] 
revenue laws, sometimes it was local 
self-government, sometimes it was free 
silver, then again it was the tariff, and 
occasionally it was the "nigger," but the 
chorus has always been: "The country 
can never resume its normal condition 
until the democratic party is placed in 
power." For soime reason or other, as 
soon as it became known that Mr. 
Cleveland had beer elected president, 
and that our democratic friends had 
been entrusted with the control of both 
branches of congress, matters began to 
go wrong throughout the country. 
Those who were investing their capital 
in manufacturing enterprises called a 
halt, and those who were in a position 
to do so began to withdraw the money 
which they had loaned in various sec- 
tions of the country, and by the time 
the democratic congress had developed 
its un-American policy, evidences °f 
unrest were to be found in every state 
in the union. Our protective policy had 
enabled our country to grow and pros- 
per in a marvelous degree after the 
close of the war, but our democratic 
friends while out of office and while 
committed to the policy of opposing ev- 
erything, had declared in opposition to 
the protective tariff system, and as soon 
as the senate and house committees 
were organized they began a systematic 
attack upon American industries, which 
culminated in the adoption of what is 
known as the Wilson-Gorman tariff bill, 
the most pernicious piece of legislation 
of the kind that has ever been enacted 
into law by the American congress. The> 
result of this piece of legislation is well 
known to every one who is at all famil- 
iar with the events which transpired be- 
tween March 4, 1893, and the date of 
President McKinley's inauguration. The 
Wilson-Gorman bill aimed a deadly 
blow at almost every industry in which 
the American people were interested, 
and especially those industries which 
the southern people had at that time 
just begun to develop. As a result of 
this unwise legislation, together with 
the mismanagement and incompetency 
of the democratic party, every branch 
of human industry was more or less in- 
jured, and in some instances completely 
ruined. The laboring man who had 
theretofore been employed at remuner- 



ative wages was unable to secure work 
at wages that would enable him to feed 
and comfortably clothe, much less edu- 
cate, his family. Thousands of laboring 
men were thrown out of employment 
and compelled to tramp the country 
over in search of work. The farmer 
was unable to sell his products for a 
sufficient amount to defray the ex- 
pense of the cultivation of his crops. 
Almost every manufacturing insititution 
was compelled to curtail its output, and 
in some instances a majority of them 
were compelled to cease operations. 
There was not a branch of human in- 
dustry that escaped the terrible conse- 
quences that naturally followed as a 
result of the policy which our demo- 
cratic friends inaugurated. The circu- 
lating medium, which had been $25 in 
1892 under a republican administration, 
had decreased until the amount of mon- 
ey in circulation was only $21.10 per 
capita. The gold reserve fund had at 
times been as low as $50,000,000, and 
had only been maintained by the gov- 
ernment borrowing the enormous sum 
of $262,000,000. 

When we think about the con- 
dition of the United States treas- 
ury at the time the democratic party 
turned over the reins of government to 
Mr. Lincoln, we are reminded of the 
fact that history repeats itself, and we 
are afforded a forcible illustration of 
the fact that the democratic party is 
not capable of successfully administer- 
ing the affairs of this government. At 
that time our treasury was bankrupt, 
and we had been borrowing money in 
the markets and paying therefor In 
many instances as high as 12 per cent. 
While our condition in 1896 was not 
quite as bad as in 1860, at the same 
time, if our democratic friends had been 
given a little more time, I am sure they 
would have been able to have sus- 
tained their -well earned reputation as 
government wreckers. That the demo- 
cratic party was directly responsible for 
the condition of the country at that 
time no one can deny. The leaders of 
that party had advocated certain po- 
litical theories at every election since 
the war, chief among them being that 
of free trade, or, as they termed it, 
tariff reform . They had denounced pro- 
tection as robbery in its worst form, 
and had told the people that if they 
would only entrust them with the con- 
trol of all branches of the government 



they would legislate so as to enable the 
people to purchase their wearing ap- 
parel, as well as other articles, for nom- 
inal prices, and that, on the other hand, 
they would, by some mysterious plan, 
flood- the country with an amount of 
money which would enable every citizen 
to keep his pockets well filled with cash 
at all seasons of the year without any 
great inconvenience on his part. This 
was an attractive theory, and one that 
was well calculated to mislead thous- 
ands of the best people throughout the 
country. 

While there was genuine re- 
joicing among the people who had cast 
their votes in favor of the democratic 
candidates when it became known that 
they had carried the country, at the 
same time there was wailing and gnash- 
ing of teeth among the democratic 
leaders who were at last brought face 
to face with the proposition of putting 
into practical operation the many wild 
and impracticable theories which they 
had advocated prior to that time. So 
long as they could go upon the stump 
and oppose any and everything, and 
deal in generalities, their task was an 
easy one. Before that date their pol- 
icies had been obstructive. They were 
then called upon to inaugurate a policy 
that was to be constructive, one 
that would require a high order 
of statesmanship. As an opposi- 
tion party, they had been a great 
success, but when placed in con- 
trol of affairs, where they were re- 
quired to do something, the result was 
quite different. In framing the Gor- 
man tariff measure they ignored al- 
most every American industry, in order 
to satisfy the demands of those engaged 
in similar enterprises in foreign lands. 
They preferred the lumber of Canada to 
that ct the lumberman living in North 
CaroJ'na, Tennessee and Virginia; they 
preferred the mica of India to the mica 
of *ne people of Mitchell, Yancey and 
other counties in North Carolina; they 
preferred the wool of Australia to that 
of the people of the United States; they 
preferred the baled hay of Canada to 
that of Tennessee, North Carolina, Vir- 
ginia, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, 
Kentucky and other states; they pre- 
ferred the rice of foreign lands to that 
of North and South Carolina; they pre- 
ferred the manufactured goods of Eng- 
land to the American product. In a 
word, they framed the Wilson-Gorman 



north Carolina state librae 



tariff bill in such a manner as to dis- 
courage, and in many instances com- 
pletely demoralize and destory Ameri- 
can industries; while, on the other hand, 
this policy encouraged and enriched 
those who were engaged in developing 
the industries of foreign lands. 

A Desperate Remedy 

In 1896 the people of the United States 
were confronted with the proposition as 
to whether they would continue in pow- 
er the party which had made such a 
complete and dismal failure in its ef- 
forts to manage our affairs, or whether 
they would again return to power those 
who advocated the principles and poli- 
cies of republicanism. The democrats 
nominated as their standardbearer Hon. 
W. J. Bryan of the state of Nebraska, 
a gentleman of high character and hon- 
esty of purpose, who advocated many 
things that were thoroughly impractica- 
ble, and many of which, if adopted, 
would have brought shame and humili- 
ation upon the American people. The 
platform adopted by our democratic; 
friends was different in many respects 
to any political platform that had here- 
tofore been adopted by any political 
party in this country. It was an at- 
tack upon everybody and everything in 
general, and contained many things cal- 
culated to appeal to prejudice rather 
than r<-o.son. Its attacks upon the 
courts of the land were especially un- 
fortunate, in that it had a tendency to 
encouiage a spread of lawlessness and 
anarchy throughout the country. While 
it was perhaps not intended to, at the 
same time it encouraged those who are 
opposed to all form of government, and 
especially that class of people who be- 
lieve that everything in this country 
ought to be owned in common. 

Another Remedy 

Thu republican party, on the other 
hand, nominated as its standardbearer 
Hon. William McKinley of the state of 
Ohio. He was in many respcc's the 
most attractive man who had partici- 
pated in public affairs since the founda- 
tion of our government. He was a 
highfored Christian gentleman pos- 
sessed of a kindly disposition, which 
rendered him universally popular among 
all classes of people, regardless of party 
affiliation. The republican party adopt- 
ed a platform which declared in favor 
of the enactment of such legislation as 



would again restore confidence through- 
out the country. It also de- 
clared in favor ot a sound currency. 

The democrats, on the one hand, in- 
sisted that there could be no substan- 
tial improvement of existing conditions 
until we secured the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. 
For the time being, they attempted to 
discard evry other issue, and took 
the position that the silver ques- 
tion was the paramount issue, and that 
while they advocated the other things 
contained in their platform, all matters 
should be relegated to the rear until the 
proposed legislation could be enacted in- 
to law. They said that what the coun- 
try needed was an increase in the cir- 
culating medium. They were forced to 
admit that under their own administra- 
tion the circulating medium had de- 
creased until it was at a low ebb, but, 
on the other hand, they insisted that the 
only way to increase the circulating me- 
dium was to provide for the issuance 
of a greater volume of money. This 
was a theory that was plausible, to 
say the least of it. 

The republicans, on the other hand, 
met the issues thus presented in a bold 
and defiant manner. They declared 
that it would be unwise for this coun- 
try, without the consent of other na- 
tions, to undertake the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of silver. They argued 
that what the country needed above all 
other things was a restoration of pub- 
lic confidence and a reopening of the 
mines and factories, which would give 
employment to the laboring men at 
remunerative wages and bring from 
its hiding place the vast amount of 
capital which had been withdrawn from 
active circulation on account of the 
alarm and apprehension which had 
been created in the minds of the busi- 
ness men of the country by the unwise 
and vicious legislation which had been 
enacted during the four years rule of 
democracy. 

The issue was drawn in a clear and 
unmistakable manner, and the Ameri- 
can people were afforded a full and am- 
ple opportunity to thoroughly investi- 
gate all questions growing out of the 
issue raised by the two political par- 
ties. The contest was a spirited one. 
Mr. Bryan canvassed the entire coun- 
try, while, on the other hand, Governor 
McKinley remained at home and from 
his front porch addressed the thousands 



who went there from all sections of the 
country. The keynote of McKinley's 
speeches was that we must restore pub- 
lic confidence reopen the mines and fac- 
tories, and, instead of creating- markets 
in foreign lands, we should 'turn our at- 
tention to the conditions which sur- 
rounded every class of human industry 
at home; that we should so legislate 
as to enable the American people to 
develop every section of the country. 

The contest resulted in the election of 
a republican president and house of 
representatives but did not give the re- 
publicans a working majority in the 
senate. However there were a num- 
ber of senators who, while in full accord 
with the president, appreciated the 
critical situation of affairs, and for 
the time being, left their political as- 
sociates and sustained President Mc- 
Kinley in his efforts to place our finan- 
cial and industrial affairs upon a safe 
basis. 

Restoration of Prosperity 

As soon as President McKinley was 
inaugurated he at once began the task 
of securing the enactment of such leg- 
islation as would enable him to man- 
age our affairs so as to restore pros- 
perity to the American people, in ac- 
cordance with the principles enunciated 
in the St. Louis platform. The Wilson- 
Gorman tariff bill was repealed and the 
Dingley law enacted in its stead. It 
afforded ample protection to every 
branch of human industry. The inter- 
ests of the lumberman, the manufactur- 
er, the farmer, the rice grower, the min- 
er, the merchant, the mechanic and ev- 
ery other individual who was engaged 
in doing anything which was calculated 
to add to the wealth and glory of the 
American people were given protection. 
While the evidence of the disasters that 
followed as a result of the election 
of Mr. Cleveland was made apparent 
from the day after it was known that 
the democrats had carried the country, 
on the other hand, from the day it 
was known that McKinley had been 
elected, evidences of the good results 
that were to follow in the wake of re- 
publican victory were to be seen on ev- 
ery hand, and even before Mr. Cleve- 
land had gone out of office there was 
a general revival of business throughout 
the country in anticipation of what the 
American people well understood would 
be the policy of the Incoming adminis- 



tration. As a result of republican leg- 
islation, the people of the United States 
have been more prosperous within the 
last five years than they have ever been 
within the same length of time since 
the establishment of the governm< nt. 
Tbeio has been no class o** oeople Li 
any ktate or territory who have not been 
gif-'.tiy benefited by the b^neral im- 
provement in business affairs. The rice 
grower of North Carolina has realized 
better prices for his product than ever 
before. 

When the republican party came 
into power it found the mica In- 
dustry almost completely destroyed, 
and today not only good grades, but even 
inferior grades of mica are bringing 
splendid prices, and the people of 
Mitchell, Yancey and other counties are 
greatly benefited by our policy with" 
respect to this product. During the 
consideration of the Dingley bill thous- 
and of business men, many of 
whom were North Carolina demo- 
crats, plead with congress for a 
restoration of the duty on lum- 
ber. Their appeals were not made 
in vain, and as a result ine lumber 

trade has made great strides in the 
south. Referring to this subject, the 
Baltimore News of recent date says: 
"The New York Journal of Commerce 
and Commercial Bulletin has compiled 
a table showing that during the ten 
years from 1890 to 1900, the aggregate 
value of the products of the lumber in- 
dustry increased $128,885,605. Of this 
gain the thirteen southern states fur- 
nished three-quarters. * * * Recent- 
ly large tracts of southern timber land 
have been purchased by northern oper- 
ators, and they are now arranging to 
develop them on an extensive scale. 
The southern forests contain several va- 
rieties of lumber well known in north- 
ern markets, besides many beautifully 
marked hardwoods suitable for cabinet 
work and inside finishing. There are 
vast areas of such land in the south, 
and the indications are that for many 
years this industry will be one of the 
most profitable in Dixie." 

Every scrap of lumber is sold at 
prices far in excess of any figures here- 
tofore realized. More cotton factories 
we^e built in North Carolina last year 
than in any state in the union. 

In this connection I desire to call at- 
tention to the following statement which 
appears in Senator Simmons' address 



before the democratic state convention: 
"Never in all our history have so many 
industrial enterprises been organised, 
especially in this state, in the same 
length of time as during these three 
years under democratic control. Never 
in all history have so many corpora- 
tions and business associations been 
formed and chartered in the same 
length of time as during the last year 
under the democratic administration." 
The senator seeks to create the impres- 
sion that these enterprises have been 
established in North Carolina on ac- 
count of the confidence which the peo- 
ple have in 'the present democratic state 
administration. There is not the slight- 
est ground upon which to base the as- 
sumption which my distinguished friend 
makes with respect to the industrial 
development that is now being made 
throughout our state. He knows very 
well that the democratic administra- 
tion has had nothing to do with the 
financial affairs of the country, and 
that no legislation which could be en- 
acted by a state legislature could in 
the slightest degree affect the business 
interests of the country one way or the 
other , except in so far as the state leg- 
islature might by stringent and un- 
friendly legislation drive from our midst 
many who would otherwise engage in 
the development of our section. 

However, Senator Simmons is unfort- 
unate in his reference to the number of 
corporations that have been organized 
under democratic administration. I call 
attention to the following statistics, 
taken from the report of the secretary 
of state, with respect to the number of 
corporations chartered in 'the state of 
North Carolina from July 1, 1893, to 
March 4, 1902. It is impossible 
to furnish a complete report for the 
year 1893, owing to the fact that prior 
'to the 1st day of July of that year cor- 
porations were chartered before clerks 
of the Superior courts in the various 
counties in the state, and It would be 
difficult to secure the necessary in- 
formation through these channels, 
and I therefore content myself by 
taking the report from July 1, 1893, 
which gives us three full years and 
eight months of Cleveland's administra- 
tion, wherein the democrats were in 
absolute control in all branches of the 
national government, as well as every 
branch of our state government. I first 
call attention to the three years and 



eight months of democratic rule, which 
is as follows: 

Corporations chartered. 
From July 1, 1893, to March 4, 1894... 49 
From 'Mar. 4, 1894, to Mar. 4, 1895... 121 
From Mar. 4, 1895 to Mar. 4, 1896... 161 
From Mar. 4, 1896, to Mar. 4, 1897... 127 

Total number incorporated 458 

Under McKinley's administration: 
From Mar. 4, 1897, to Mar. 4, 1898. ..159 
From Mar. 4, 1898, to Mar. 4, 1899... 147 
From Mar. 4, 1899, to Mar. 4, 1900... 269 
From Mar. 4, 1900, to Mar. 4, 1901... 303 

Total 878 

It will be observed by reading the 
foregoing tables that there were 420 
more corporations chartered under four 
years of republican rule than were 
chartered during the same length of 
time under democratic rule. In other 
words, there were nearly twice as many 
business enterprises inaugurated during 
the four years of McKinley's adminis- 
tration than were organized during Mr. 
Cleveland's administration. 

In this connection I also call atten- 
tion to the fact that from March 4, 
1901, to March 4, 1902, there were 355 
corporations chartered, an amount al- 
most equal to the number chartered 
during the four years of democratic ad- 
ministration. 

In order to be able to pay what the 
senator conceived to be a tribute to the 
state administration, he was forced to 
admit facts enough to forever damn his 
party in the estimation of the people of 
North Carolina, in so far as the admin- 
istration of national affairs is con- 
cerned. One would infer from Senator 
Simmons' speech that there had been no 
increase in manufacturing or industrial 
enterprises in North Carolina until the 
democratic state administration was in- 
augurated. The public records disclose 
the fact that from the day President 
McKinley took the oath of office until 
this good hour, there has been a con- 
stant and steady development of every 
industry from the mountains to the sea- 
shore, and it has all been in conse- 
quence of the fact that the people of 
North Carolina realize that our affairs 
as a nation are In the hands of a party 
which is capable and trustworthy. It 
Is a notable fact that our credit as a 
state was never better than during Gov- 
ernor Russell's administration, and 
thousands of dollars were invested in 



our midst during that period. Theae are 
facts that cannot be overcome by those 
who now seek to raise the false cry 
of negTo domination. 

Our railroad business Is more than 
fifty per cent, better in every way than 
during President Cleveland's adminis- 
tration. Many furniture factories and 
woodworking establishments have been 
organized throughout the state, the 
splendid waterpowere of western North 
Carolina are being rapidly developed. 
On every hand and in every place with- 
in our borders are to be seen indisput- 
able evidences of enduring prosperity. 

The republican party has been equal- 
ly fortunate in its control of the affairs 
of the national government. On the 
first day of July the cash balance in 
the treasury of the United States was 
$208,630,022.64. The excess of receipts 
over disbursements for the year is also 
very large, and the treasury surplus of 
$92,193,190.33 is larger than any year 
since 1888. The gold held by the treas- 
ury was $559,301,051, an increase ef $6,- 
600,000 since June 1st. Excluding from 
these figures the trust and reserve 
funds, the treasurer has on hand, in- 
cluded in available cash subject to the 
calls of disbursing officers $102,191,062, 
against $96,554,392 one month ago. 

The national bank currency within the 
past year has increased nearly $2,000,- 
000, and the amount of standard silver 
certificates, bullion and subsidiary sil- 
ver has increased from $32,000,000 to 
$39,000,000, and the government funds 
in national bank depositories has in- 
creased from $101,000,000 to $129,000,000. 
The circulating medium on the first day 
of July was $28.40 per capita. These 
are the conditions which the republi- 
can party promised in 1896, and it is for 
the people of North Carolina to say as 
to whether they are willing to again 
vote to entrust the democratic party 
with the control of our affairs in view 
of the many false prophecies they made 
with respect to the calamities that 
would be visited upon the American 
people in the event that the republican 
party should be successful. 

While we have been deprived of the 
splendid leadership of our beloved Pres- 
ident McKinley, who was stricken 
down by the hand of an anarchist, and 
while there is universal regret at the 
great loss which we as a people have 
sustained in the death of the eminent 
statesman, devoted husband and Chris- 



tian gentleman, whom the people loved 
so dearly and whose death they mourned 
so deeply, at the same time it is fortu- 
nate for the American people that we 
have at the head of our affairs today 
one who typifies in the highest degree 
that which constitutes American states- 
manship. President Roosevelt is in 
full sympathy with and a firm believer 
in the principles of the republican par- 
ty. His courage and honesty of pur- 
pose are sufficient guarantees as to the 
safe and intelligent conduct of our af- 
fairs in the future. 

Our democratic friends seek to raise 
once again the false issue of imperial- 
ism. Many weeks were consumed dur- 
ing the present session of congress in 
a fruitless discussion of what is known 
as the civil government bill for the con- 
trol of the Philippine islands. The 
Congressional Record is filled with 
abusive attacks upon the American sol- 
diers who have been sent to these 
islands for the purpose of upholding the 
honor and integrity of the nation and 
enforcing obedience to the mandates of 
our government. The democratic lead- 
ers in congress have sought to create 
the impression that the republican par- 
ty is responsible for the alleged miscon- 
duct of the American soldiers who have 
been endeavoring to restore law and or- 
der in the Philippine islands. Much 
time during the consideration of the 
civil government bill was occupied by 
democratic senators in the delivery of 
speeches full of abuse of the American 
soldier; but, strange to say, these gen- 
tlemen uttered no word of condemna- 
tion of the many cruelties and brutal 
outrages committed upon the American 
soldiers by the Filipinos. Not a ques- 
tion was asked by a democratic sena- 
tor which was calculated to elicit evi- 
dence as to the barbarous treatment of 
our soldiers, nor were there any ques- 
tions asked by them which had a ten- 
dency to sustain the honor and integrity 
of the American government. On the 
other hand, they appeared as the prose- 
cutors of the American soldier, repre- 
senting the Filipinos, and plead their 
cause with the energy and devotion that 
is usually displayed by the paid attor- 
ney in behalf of his client. 

On the 22d day of February Repre- 
sentative Cannon offered an amendment 
to the urgent deficiency bill which read 
as follows: "For the proper shelter 
and protection of officers and enlisted 



8 



JIORTH CAROL) 'A STATE IJBRART: 



men of the army of the United States, 
lawfully on duty In the Philippine 
islands, to be expended in the discre- 
tion of the president, $500,000.00." Here 
was a proposition which had for its ob- 
ject the protection of the American 
soldiers in foreign lands, but I am sor- 
ry to say that, while there are many 
brave boys from North Carolina now 
doing service in those islands, yet every 
democratic congressman from our state 
voted against it. 

The late Amos Cummings, who was 
at that time a member of the house of 
representatives, in discussing ihis 
amendment, among other things said: 

"Mr. Chairman: — The gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Hay) has seen fit to al- 
lude to a remark which I made on the 
floor of this house yesterday as the vote 
was being taken on an amendment to 
this bill providing for the shelter and 
protection of our troops in the Philip- 
pines. The Record quotes me thus: 
'When I fail to vote to protect the hves 
of American soldiers in the service of 
the American republic, I hope I shall 
be paralyzed.' I did not print the re- 
mark which induced me to make this 
declaration. When I rose to vote for 
the amendment a member of th? house 
near me said: 'What are you doing? 
why don't you sit down? Sit down!" 
I made the reply on the spur jf the 
moment, and when I reflect on it T 
glory in it. (Applause on the republi- 
can side.) 

"Mr. Chairman, I meant every word 
of it. The gentleman from Illinois 'Mr. 
Cannon), having charge of this urgent 
deficiency bill — this emergency bill- 
was appealed to by the secretary of war 
to insert in it a provision to protect the 
American soldier in the Philippines 
from the ravages of disease —deadly 
fevers and pestilence. Why? Because 
the rainy season was coming on and 
they had no adequate shelter. It was 
the truth. Ah, Mr. chairman. I have 
not forgotten the rainy season of last- 
year, when the columns of our Ameri- 
can newspapers were fillad with long 
lists of soldiers who had died in those 
islands from loathsome fevers for lack 
of proper shelter. 

"I have seen the sad faces of the 
American mothers whose sons were the 
viotims of these miasmatic fevers. I 
have seen their tears and heard their 
moans. I would be untrue to every 
drop of blood in my body if I refused 



to respond to such an appeal for the 
protection of soldiers in the service of 
the republic. It was an appeal on be- 
half of American women whose sons 
are still fighting the battles of the re- 
public in these islands. I would black- 
en the Revolutionary blood coursing in 
my veins if I stabbed these American 
mothers to the heart by refusing to 
vote for this appropriation for the shel- 
ter and protection of their sons." (Ap- 
plause on the republican side.) * * * 
Mr. Cummings was a lifelong demo- 
crat, and the language which he used 
on that occasion correctly portrayed the 
urgent necessity for the appropriation; 
but, s+range to say, the majority of 
the leaders of the democratic party in 
congress ch'd what they could to pre- 
vent the adoption of this amendment 
which meant so much to the sick sol- 
diers who were languishing in hosp'tals 
in a foreign land. It only shows to 
what extent the leaders of the democ- 
racy will go in their efforts to secure 
partisan advantage by attempting to 
manufacture a fictitous issue upon 
which they can go before the people for 
re-election. 

Change of Front 

This policy was kept up until within 
about two weeks before the adjourn- 
ment of congress, at which time it 
dawned upon our democratic friends 
that they had made a fatal mistake in. 
attacking the army, and suddenly they 
changed front, and from that time un- 
til congress adjourned democratic mem- 
bers and senators devoted most of their 
time in attempting to convice the Amer- 
ican people that they had not been en- 
gaged in an attack upon the army. 

This is but another evidence of the 
fact that our democratic friends are not 
safe advisers, and that they cannot be 
trusted to formulate anything like a 
political policy that is calculated to 
permanently benefit the American peo- 
ple. The position of the republican 
party with respect to the Philippine 
question is well known. We bought 
and paid for the Philippine islands, and 
we own them as much as we own any 
other territory. We propose to re- 
tain them and to give their inhabitants 
the very best form of government suit- 
able to their necessities as a people. 
The acquisition of this territory by our 
government will in the end result in 



more substantial benefit to the south 
than all other sections of the country 
combined. What we need is a market 
for our surplus cotton and cotton 
fabrics, and the Orient is a country 
whose people are by climate and hab- 
its the natural customers of the eot+on 
planters of the south. In the Orient we 
can find a ready market for our sur- 
plus raw cotton as well as our cotton 
fabrics, and the southern man who 
stands in tbe way of the extension of our 
trade in that direction is either very 
shortsighted or willing - to sacrifice the 
best interests of this section in order 
to create a political issue. Our people 
are especially interested in the policy 
which is being- pursued by the govern- 
ment with respect to our trade in the 
Orient. They have suffered much in 
the past on account of not being able 
to secure a suffcient market for their 
cotton and cotton fabrics. The exten- 
sion of our trade into the Orient is the 
solution of the problem with which we 
have been contending for a quarter of a 
century. Being in the gateway to the 
Orient is not the only feature which 
renders these islands desirable. When 
we come to consider the possibilities of 
our future trade with their people there 
is every reason why we should give our 
hearty support to the policies advocated 
by the republican party with r c sp3':t to 
them. The total importation of cotton 
and cotton goods to those islands for 
the twelve months ending June 1, .1901, 
amounted to $9,510,307. Of this total 
the United States furnished the small 
amount of $127,325. These figures are 
surprising, but true. Those islands im- 
ported $9,382,982 worth of cotton and cot- 
ton goods from countries other than the 
United States in 1901. Is it not reason- 
able to assume that when our com- 
merce with those islands is firmly es- 
tablished, as it will surely be at an 
early date, the south will furnish the 
greater portion of $9,382,982 worth of 
cotton and cotton goods which has here- 
tofore been furnished by other coun- 
tries, as well as supply the greatly in- 
creased demands of the people for our 
cotton goods caused by the islands' de- 
velopment. 

Senator Simmons, in his convention 
speech, in discussing the tariff question, 
said: "In the campaign of this year the 
tariff and trusts are inseparably con- 
nected." In an interview in the Wash- 
ington Post on the 7th day of last Sep- 



tember, among other things, he made 
the following statement: "So far as the 
south is concerned, at least, the demo- 
crats recognize the silver question is 
temporarily eliminated from national 
political affairs. I do not say that it is 
a dead issue, but I do say that it must 
slumber for a few years. In my opin- 
ion the big issue in the next campaign 
will be the tariff. I think it will be 
more talked of and will cause a 
closer drawing of lines than anything 
else." * * * 

Order of Things Reversed 

It is amusing to hear the leaders of 
the democratic party in North Carolina 
say that the silver question, whim was 
the only teal live issue which the dem- 
ocrats offered in 1896, is dead a id re- 
quired "to slumber for a f^w years." 
According to Senator Simmons, the 
order of things this year is to be just 
the reverse of what it was J 1896. At 
that time 'the tariff question was an 
embarrassing one for the derr ocrats to 
handle, and they asked ts to let it 
slumber for a while, and they continued 
to let it slumber, until they imagine the 
people have forgotten the many heart- 
acl ^s ard financial wrecks that were 
directly dbe to the free trade legislation 
which bad been enacted by them while 
they were in power. Now that, we are 
in a more prosperous condition than we 
have ever been in the history of the 
nation, as a direct desult of republican 
legislation with respect to the tariff 
question, we are respectfully invited by 
our democratic friends to abandon the 
policy of protection and once more fol- 
low the leadership of the party whose 
avowed object is to prefer the trade of 
foreign nations to that of America — a 
policy which will necessarily result in 
great injury to the wage earners of this 
country, as well as the destruction of 
our manufacturing interests, the two 
things upon which the nation is depend- 
ent for its future greatness. The soith 
can ill afford to adopt the suggestions 
of the democrats of North Carolina in 
regard to the tariff question. There is 
no other section of the United States 
where the adoption of such a policy 
would be more injurious to the welfare 
of the people than that of th^ south. 
We have moreundeveloped weaUh than 
all other sections combined. We pos- 
sess the great bulk of the raw material 
cf the United States, and if the policy 



10 



of free trade should ever be adopted in 

this country it will come a>: a result 
of the combined efforts of the southern 
democrats and certain manufacturers of 
the New England states. I fear that 
the time will come, if it is not already 
here, when some of the manufacturers 
of the New England states will find it 
to their advantage to have free raw ma- 
terial, and of course it will be but nat- 
ural for them to agree with southern 
democrats to the extent of taking the 
tariff off the raw material, the most of 
which is to be found in the south. The 
great desire of the New England man- 
ufacturer is to do that which will en- 
able him to increase his capital, and 
thereby build up the section in which 
he resides. On the other hand, the 
great desire of the average democrat 
is to secure political preferment, and I 
have no dou'bt it has occurred to Sen- 
ator Simmons that by advocating tariff 
reform he can enlist the support of 
the New England manufacturers for the 
democratic party in the nation. I can 
understand why the New England man- 
ufacturer might be benefited by such 
an arrangement, but I cannot under- 
stand how it is to benefit those who are 
attempting to develop the manufactur- 
ing interests of North Carolina. It may- 
be that some of our democratic busi- 
ness people will contend that I am mis- 
taken when I say that tariff reform is 
but a step in the direction of free raw 
material, and in order to remove all 
doubt as to the matter, I desire to 
quote from two distinguished gentle- 
men, one of whom had the high honor 
of being elected twice by his party to 
the office of president, the other of be- 
ing twice nominated for that exalted 
position, and are, I presume, as well 
calculated to declare the true demo- 
cratic doctrine with respect to the tariff 
as any democrat now living. President 
Cleveland, in a letter dated July 2, 
1894, among other things, said: "It is 
quite apparent that this question of fr^e 
raw material does not admit of any 
middle ground, since the subjection of 
any rate of tariff taxation is alike vio- 
lative of democratic principles and dem- 
ocratic good faith." 

Mr. Bryan also emphatically de- 
clared that the only way to make pro- 
gress in the direction of tariff reform 
is to "free from taxation the raw ma- 
terials which lie at the foundation of 
our industries." Senator Simmons says 



that the tariff will be the leading ques- 
tion in the next campaign, and Mr. 
Bryan says that the only way to make 
any progress in the direction of tariff 
reform is to "free from taxation the 
raw materials which lie at the founda- 
tion of our industries." 

North Carolinians, what do you think 
of the proposition? Mr. Bryan's notion 
is indeed a monstrous one, and I am 
sure that the people of this state will 
condemn it in no uncertain manner 
whenever an opportunity is afforded 
them to pass upon the question. Other 
sections of the country have become 
prosperous in consequence of our pro- 
tective tariff laws, and have accumu- 
lated their millions, and now that they 
are in the full enjoyment of the bless- 
ings incident thereto, it would be in- 
equitable and unjust for the United 
States to adopt a policy of tariff re- 
duction which would necessarily carry 
with it a general reduction in the prices 
of all raw material, the most of which is 
to be found in our section. 

"Negro Domination" 

When we call attention to the splen- 
did achievements of the republican par- 
ty in the nation, and point with pride to 
the many blessings that have followed 
in the wake of republicanism, we are 
met by the statement that the white 
man is in danger of being overcome by 
the negro. "We were told by the leaders 
of the demoicatic party two years ago 
that the adoption of the constitutional 
amendment would mean freedom of 
thought, and that in the near future 
the race question would be eliminated. 
Thousands of (patriotic white men were 
induced to vote the democratic ticket 
at the last election upon the idea that 
the adoption of the amendment would 
enable them in the future to act intelli- 
gently with respect to the great finan- 
cial and economic questions of the day, 
but it seems that we are doomed to dis- 
appointment in this respect, in so far as 
certain leaders of the democratic party 
are concerned. Senator Simmons a few 
weeks ago issued a statement to the 
people of the state in which he under- 
took to show that he had discovered a 
plot by which colored people are to rls# 
up during the month of October, and 
completely demolish the white people of 
the state. It is not my purpose on 
this occasion to undertake to answer in 
detail the absurd statement which he 
has seen fit to make, but there are some 
features of the question to which I de- 



ll 



sire to allude briefly. He says that the 
negro question can never be settled in 
North Carolina until the republicans 
will agree that in the future no effort 
will be made to test what is known as 
the constitutional amendment. The is- 
suance of the document to which I refer 
did not create any excitement in any 
quarter, in so far as I can learn. His 
manifesto fell flat, and has been the 
subject of much ridicule and 
merriment among: the small boys 
in the different sections of the 
state. The Statesville Landmark, 
one of the leading papers of the state, 
in speaking: editorially of Senator Sim- 
mons' manifesto, among: other thing's 
said : 

"The reply of Senator Simmons to 
Senator Pr'tchard, published today, 
shows that the senator-chairman 
is determined to inject the negro issue 
into the campaign this year. The Land- 
mark thinks under the circumstances 
the democratic party owes it to itself to 
have done with color line at least until 
it is shown that question is a live one. 
This pledge was made the people from 
every stumip in the campaign of 1900, 
and there is nothing in sight at present 
to justify the party in disregarding the 
pledge. 

"We may be mistaken but we are 
firmly of the opinion that the campaign 
orator who raises the ghost of negro 
domination in Western North Carolina 
this year will not find the enthusiasm 
which a discussion of the race issue 
was wont to invoke In former cam- 
paigns. Instead, the danger is that 
such discussion will produce a disgust 
and in difference which will do much to 
promote that independence among dem- 
ocrats which has so alarmed Senator 
Simmons." 

During the consideration of the 
amendment two years ago, Senator Sim- 
mons circulated a statement which was 
signed by 162 prominent lawyers, the 
first paragraph of which is as fol- 
lows: "We, the undersigned lawyers, 
members of the North Carolina bar, 
after having examined and considered 
the provisions of the proposed amend- 
ment to the constitution submitted by 
the legislature of 1899 to the people for 
ratification, give it as our opinion that 
the said amendment is not in conflict 
either with the State or Federal consti- 
tution." This statement was signed by 
such lawyers as Hon. James E. Shep- 
herd, Judge MacRae, Col. H. C. Jones, 
Edward Pou, Lee ,S. Overman, Theo- 
dore F. Klutz, John S. Henderson, T. 
Q. Skinner, M. H. Justice, and others. 



and met with the hearty approval of 
Senator Simmons, Governor Aycock and 
the leaders of the democratic party. 
In that statement they said that the 
proposed amendment was not in conflict 
with either the State or the Federal 
constitution and that its adoption would 
forever settle the race issue. 

The question now Is as to whether or 
not our democratic friends will act in 
good faith with respect to a solemn 
pledge which they made on every 
stump in the state. 

The issue which Senator Simmons 
seeks to raise with respect to the 
amendment at this juncture of our af- 
fairs cannot consistently be urged by 
the leaders of the democratic party. 
He seeks to avoid a solemn promise 
which he and all other democrats made 
in the campaign two years ago, to- wit: 
that the adoption of the constitutional 
amendment would eliminate the race 
issue in future campaigns, and would 
enable the business men of the state 
to exercise intellectual freedom of 
thought. 

When the constitutional amendment 
was adopted by the people of the state, 
it then passed out of the realm of pol- 
itics, and if Senator Simmons, Gov- 
ernor Aycock and the other leaders of 
the democratic party meant what they 
said two years ago, there can be no 
such thing as a race issue m the pres- 
ent campaign. 

In this connection I desire to call at- 
tention to the fact that every registrar 
in North Carolina at the next election 
will be a democrat, and every election 
board will be controlled by that party. 
It is for the democratic party to say 
how many colored people shall vote at 
the ensuing election, and no one knows 
this better than Senator Simmons him- 
self, and any attempt on his part to 
raise the negro question at this time is 
done for the purpose of diverting at- 
tention from the real issue involved in 
this campaign. There is no one who 
favors negro domination. The major- 
ity of the colored people of North Caro- 
lina are conservative, patriotic and 
law abiding, 'and Senator Simmons 
knows that they do not want negro 
domination and his efforts at this time 
to create a race issue do this class of 
peopl© a great injustice. 

State Affairs 

The democratic party having demon- 
strated its incapacity to manage our 



12 



national affairs, the inquiry naturally 
arises as to whether as now constituted 
it can be entrusted with the manage- 
ment and control of the affairs of the 
state. I am prepared to show by evi- 
dence that is indisputable that its ef- 
forts to legislate have been inimical to 
our people in many instances. The 
revenue act passed by the last legisla- 
ture is a long step in the direction of 
the point towards which the democratic 
party is rapidly drifting. Many of its 
provisions are different from any reve- 
nue act that has ever been adopted. 
While many of the objectionable feat- 
ures of the original bill which was in- 
troduced early in the session were elim- 
inated, at the same time it contains 
many provisions that are calculated to 
cripple the industrial enterprises of the 
state, as well as oppress the farmers 
and business men generally. Some of 
the provisions of the revenue act are of 
such a character that our state auditor 
has been compelled to write a letter 
of apology to the officers of the various 
corporations doing business in the state. 
This letter was dated June 25, 1901. 
Among other things he said: 

'"This is a novel law for our people, 
and yet I do not think it is the purpose of 
the legislature to oppress the corpora- 
tions by unjust taxes. I am sure it 
is not the purpose of this department 

to do anything of the kind I 

want you gentlemen to understand that 
it is the desire of this department to 
accept the appraisal which you make 
of your property for taxation as final." 

This is indeed a remarkable docu- 
ment, emanating as it does from a state 
official. When in the history of North 
Carolina has the legislature enacted a 
revenue hill which was so odious as to 
require the auditor of the state, who is 
a sworn official, to assume the role of 
apologist for the acts of the legislative 
branch of the government? Auditor 
Dixon says: "I do not think it was the 
purpose of the legislature to oppress the 
corporations by an unjust tax." He 
was careful to avoid anything like a 
positive declaration to the effect that 
it was not the purpose of the legisla- 
ture to oppress the corporations by an 
unjust tax. In order to placate the 
class of people who have been so un- 
justly treated by the legislature the 
auditor says: "I want you gentlemen 
r,n u* 1 * ian'(! that it is the desire of 
this department to accept the appraisal 
which you make of your property for 
taxation as final." Just how the audi- 
tor reconciles this statement with the 
following provision contained in section 



6 of the revenue act I am unable to 
say: "Provided that if the auditor and 
state treasurer, or either of them, is 
not satisfied with the appraisement and 
valuation so made and returned, they 
are hereby authorized and empowered 
to make a valuation thereof, based upon 
the facts contained in the report 
herein required or upon informa- 
tion within their possession and 
to settle in account of the valuation so 
made by them for taxes, penalties and 

interest due the state thereon " 

with the right of appeal given to the 
corporation in the event that it should 
be dissatisfied with the rate fixed by the 
auditor, as therein provided. 

The foregoing makes it the plain duty 
of the auditor and the state treasurer 
to revise the reports submitted by the 
different private corporations in the 
state, and to correct any mistakes that 
may be made, and to change the valu- 
ation fixed by them of the property re- 
turned whenever it shall appear to 
them that an improper valuation has 
been made, and the statement of the 
auditor that he would accept as final 
the report of the corporation with re- 
spect to such matters clearly indicates 
a purpose on his part to disregard and 
as far as possible tone down the harsh 
features of an unjust provision of our 
revenue act. I am informed that a 
number of business men have left the 
state since the adoption of the present 
revenue act rather than comply with 
the many vexatious provisions which 
it contains, and that within the past 
year quite a large number of corpora- 
tions formed of capital which properly 
belonged to North Carolina have been 
forced to go to New Jersey for the pur- 
pose of securing articles of incorpora- 
tion, in consequence of the unjust pro- 
visions in our laws with respect to such 
matters and I have been told since 
coming to Creensboro that for the same 
reason several corporations in Guilford 
county have within the past six months 
surrendered their charters and obtained 
charters in the State of New Jer- 
sey. The last legislature enacted 
a statute which undertakes to restrict 
corporations to the ownership of 300 
acres of timber in the event that they 
should not see fit to operate mills at all 
tiimee within the state and it also pro- 
vides that no foreign corporation shall 
under any consideration be permitted to 
hold more than three hundred acres 
of land or the privilege to cut 
timber from a greater number of acres. 
This act also provides that any corpor- 
ation violating its provisions shall for- 



13 



feit its right to all the timber land 
•which it may own, also the privilege to 
cut timber thereon. Had it not been 
for capitalists from abroad, I doubt 
very much if we could have made much 
headway in the development of our 
lumber industry. Gentlemen of means 
have come among us for the purpose 
of investing their wealth in this indus- 
try, and in every instance it has been 
their purpose to purchase as large 
boundaries as possible, in order that 
they might have an investment perma- 
nent in its nature, and without which 
they would never have dreamed of lo- 
cating in our midst. In other words, 
it is utterly impossible to secure the 
development of our lumber industry if 
parties who are to engage in that busi- 
ness are to be restricted to the owner- 
ship of not more than 300 acres of 
timber land, and the act in question, if 
properly enforced, will completely de- 
stroy the lumber business from one end 
of the state to the other. 

Heretofore the merchants of North 
Carolina have been required to pay a 
purchase tax, but now they are re- 
quired not only to pay a privilege tax 
but other taxes to an extent which will 
in my opinion, drive many of them 
out of business. The manner of taxing 
merchants is very objectionable, espec- 
ially in so far as it relates to what 
is known as the country merchant. 

His place of business is in the country 
and small towns, and he does not carry 
what is known as a general line of 
merchandise. The state taxes him as 
follows: First, capital and property 
tax; second, tax on all his sales; third, 
a tax for the privilege of doing busi- 
ness; fourth, a number of special taxes. 
These taxes represent the amount that 
he is required to pay to the state, and 
as a rule the counties levy an amount 
equal to the levy made by the state, and 
in some instances the municipalities levy 
an additional tax. It will be seen that the 
small dealer in general merchandise in 
the village or in the country, who is en- 
gaged in legitimate business, and one 
that is for the convenience of the com- 
munity, is required to pay taxes out 
of all proportion to the capital invested. 
"While this class of merchants should 
be required to pay their just proportion 
of taxes of the state, at the same time 
they ought not to be taxed in such 
a manner as to bankrupt them, or on 
the other hand force them to increase 
the price of the articles which they sell 
to the consumer, in proportion to the 
excessive rate of taxes levied by the 
state and county. Under the present 



revenue act the average country mer- 
chant will be either forced into bank- 
ruptcy or compelled to increase the 
prices of his goods and wares, thus cre- 
ating a burden which will necessarily 
have to be borne by the people in the 
community, which will be in the nature 
of an indirect tax paid to the state, in 
addition to the taxes which they as in- 
dividuals are required by law to pay. 
There can be no justification for the 
imposition of these taxes, and this sec- 
tion of our law ought to be amended 
so as to lighten the burden of this par- 
ticular class of people. 

Injustices of Taxation 

There are many other unjust provis- 
ions in the revenue act wherein the cit- 
izen suffers great hardships in conse- 
quence of a failure on the part of our 
lawmakers to adjust the rate of taxa- 
tion so as to make it bear alike on all 
classes of our people. The inquisitorial 
features of the reports required to be 
made by the merchants to the clerk of 
the board of county commissioners, as 
well as the reports required to be made 
by corporations to the auditor, are odi- 
ous in the extreme, and will, in my 
opinion, result in compelling many firms 
to make assignments, that would other- 
wise be able, in the long run, to bridge 
over their financial troubles, and thus 
keep their heads above the water. 

I have not the time to enter into a 
discussion of the proposed method of 
assessing the value of real estate, but 
I call attention to the fact that section 
13 of the machinery act provides that 
real estate shall be assessed "at the 
full value which could ordinarily be 
obtained therefor at private sale." If 
this rule is honestly enforced in the as- 
sessment of real estate in North Caro- 
lina in the future, it will result in the 
citizens of the state having to pay at 
least one- third more taxes than they are 
paying at present. 

We should bear in mind that many of 
our sister states are possessed of equal 
advantages with those of North Caro- 
lina, and it is suicidal on our part to 
enact any law which is calculated to 
discourage those who are likely to in- 
vest their capital in the many industries 
that are now being developed through- 
out the state. We should endeavor to 
encourage capitalists from all sections 
of the country to come among us and 
to assist in the development of our won- 
derful resources. We are peculiarly 
blessed with natural advantages, but in 
many sections we are sadly in nedd of 
the capital necessary to secure their 



14 



utilization. The prosperit} which we 
now enjoy may not only be crippled, 
but it is possible for unjust legislation 
to completely destroy it. There is a 
growing tendency on the part of the 
democratic party in North Carolina o 
discriminate against private corpora- 
tions. Corporations of 'bis class get 
nothing from their charters except the 
right to perform in a corporate capac- 
ity such acts as the private citizen is 
entitled to do without any authority 
from the state. Public corporations, 
such as railroads, municipal corpora- 
tions, street car and waterworks, 
exercise the right of eminent domain, 
and in some instances perform some of 
the functions of government, but it is 
entirely different with the private cor- 
poration, and there is no justification 
for levying a rate of taxation r n its 
property in excess of that levied upon 
property of the individual, but when 
we object to the inquisitorial features 
with respect to private corporations, as 
well as the rate of taxation which they 
are required to pay, we are gravely 
informed by our democratic friends that 
Pennsylvania requires corporations to 
answer all the questions 'that are re- 
quired to be answered by our revenue 
aict. While this is true, the total tax 
levied on private corporations by the 
state of Pennsylvania, except such as 
engage in the manufacture and sale of 
whiskey, does not exceed five dollars 
on the thousand. Corporations in 
Asheville, Charlotte, Wilmington, Ral- 
eigh and other towns pay more than 
$20 on $1000 valuation. If the corpora- 
tions of our cities and towns could have 
their taxes assessed at the rate adopt- 
ed by the state of Pennsylvania, they 
would no doubt be willing to agree to 
an enlargement of the inquisitorial 
features of our revenue act. 

Waste of Public Money 

When we come to examine the audi- 
tor's reports with respect to receipts 
and disbursements, we find a condition 
of affairs that is caluculated to alarm 
the taxpayers of the state. In 1898 the 
burden of Gov. Aycock's song was to 
the effect that the fusion administra- 
tion had collected and expended more 
money than had ever been expended by 
a democratic legislature. He insisted 
that the /populists and republicans 
should be turned out of power, and 
that the democrats should again be en- 
trusted with the management of our 
state affairs upon the ground that 
there was a reckless expenditure of the 
people's money. One would imagine 



that after having made such an appeal, 
in the event of success the democratic 
party would have cut down rather than 
increased our expenditures, but such 
was not the case. I desire to call your 
attention to the following comparison 
of the last three years of republican 
and populist control of the legislature 
with the last three years of democratic 
control, beginning with 1899. The re- 
ceipts and expenditures of public funds 
under fusion control were as follows: 
1896. 

Receipts $1,259,458.40 

Expenditures 1,244,917.57 

Surplus $14,540.83 

1S97. 

Receipts $1,292,547.67 

Expenditures 1,303,904.11 

Deficiency $ 11,356.44 

1898. 

Receipts $1,334,082.24 

Expenditures. 1,283,971.11 

Surplus $ 50,111.13 

Total amount of receipts.. ..$3,886,088.31 
Total amount of expendi- 
tures 3,832,792.79 

Surplus in 3 years of fusion 

rule $ 53,295.52 

The following statement shows the 

receipts and expenditures under three 

years of democratic rule: 
1899. 

Receipts $1,545,717.69 

Expenditures 1,594,765.76 

Deficiency $ 49,048 07 

1900. 

Receipts $1,618,103.91 

Expenditures 1,646,384.68 

Deficiency $ 28,280.77 

1901. 

Receipts $1,602,676.48 

Expenditures 1,680,185.66 

Deficiency $ 77,509.18 

Total amount of receipts.. ..$4,766,498.08 
Total amount of expendi- 
tures 4,921,336.10 



Deficiency 154,838.02 

Excess of receipts under dem- 
ocratic rule $ 880,419.77 

Excess of expenditures under 

democratic rule 1,088,545.31 

It will be observed by the foregoing 
table that under the three years of 
democratic rule which we have just had 
they have collected from the people 
),419.77 more than was collected in 



15 



the same length of time under fusion 
or republican rule. This statement also 
Bhows that they have expended the 
enormous sum of $1,088,545.31 more in 
the three years of democratic rule than 
was expended during the same time 
under republican or fusion rule. 

One would infer from Senator Sim- 
mons' statements that there was no In- 
crease in appropriations for any of the 
state institutions during republican and 
populist rule, but such is not the case. 
I call attention to the fact that there 
was an increased appropriation for the 
year 1898 for the Deaf, Dumb and 
Blind new building and remodeling the 
old one, which amounted to $53,463.00. 
There was also an increase for the Deaf 
and Dumb asylum at Morganton which 
amounted to $20,000.00. There was also 
an increase in the appropriation for the 
Insane asylum at Raleigh for the year 
1895 of $20,636.00, for the Deaf and 
Dumb asylum ait Morganton of $20,- 
850.00 and an increase of $3,633.00 for 
the Western hospital at Morganton, as 
well as an increase of $3,525.00 for the 
Deaf, Dumb and Blind school at Ral- 
eigh. 

After meeting all these increased ex- 
penses, there was in the state treasury 
January 19, 1901, when it was turned 
over by Treasurer Worth to Mr. Lacy, 
a cash balance of $37,528.36. This is a 
splendid showing, and is sufficient with- 
in itself to convince any fair-minded 
person that the fusion party while in 
power administered our state affairs in 
a more satisfactory and economical 
manner than they are being adminis- 
tered by the present administration. 

The Biblical Recorder of August 6th, 
1902, in an article in regard to the de- 
ficit in the state treasury, among other 
things, says: 

"Conservative members of the general 
•assemblies of 1899 and 1901 fought hard 
against the pressure for appropriation; 
they predicted a deficit, but not one of 
them dreamed that it would amount to 
$450,000.00, but the estimate of the de- 
ficit that now confronts the state treas- 
urer is the rise of this figure. $200,- 
000.00 has been borrowed by the state 
treasurer, and a number of the institu- 
tions of the state, finding it impossible 
to collect the appropriations made to 
them, have borrowed. It is conserva- 
tive to put the total deficit at $450,- 
000.00." 

The Biblical Recorder is a non-parti- 
san paper, and I am sure that no one 
will undertake to say that its state- 



ment is exaggerated in the slightest 
degree. On the other hand, I am in- 
clined to the opinion that a thorough 
examination of all the expenditures 
made by the present state administra- 
tion will disclose the fact that the Bib- 
lical Recorder has underestimated the 
amount of the deficit which exists at 
this time. 

Some time since it became rumored 
that the present state administration 
had been forced to borrow money in or- 
der to meet current expenses. In view 
of the enormous amount of money that 
was being collected from the people by 
way of taxation annually, I was not 
inclined to credit the statement, but 
after receiving information from a reli- 
able source that the statement was true, 
I decided to write to the State Treasurer 
in regard to the matter. During the 
latter part of June I addressed a letter 
to the state treasurer, in which I re- 
quested information as to whether or 
not the state administration had been 
forced to borrow money for the purpose 
of meeting current expenses, and on 
July 8th I received the following letter 
from the treasurer: 

"On my return to the city I found 
your letter of recent date. I will, with- 
in a few days, send you the information 
you request." 

I waited patiently for the information 
until the 16th day of July, when I re- 
ceived the following letter from the 
state treasurer, which was dated July 
15 th: 

"In answer to your favor of recent 
date, I desire to say that in March I 
borrowed for 12 months, at 4% per cent, 
$200,000." 

I am at a loss to know why the state 
treasurer should have delayed answer- 
ing my letter from the 8th until the 
15th day of July under the circum- 
stances. If the ordinary business meth- 
ods obtain in the state treasurer's office 
he could have turned to his books on 
the 8th day of July and secured for 
me the information which he refused to 
give until the 15th day of July, if he did 
not already possess it. The same mail 
which brought the treasurer's letter 
containing the desired information also 
brought the evening papers which con- 
tained the speech of Senator Simmons 
in which he gave the public informa- 
tion I had been endeavoring to secure 
for the past two or three weeks. Can 
it be possible that the state adminis- 
tration was of the opinion that it wouid 
somewhat break the force of the treas- 
urer's admission to me by having it 
first reach the public through the chair- 



16 



florfk Carolina State Library 



man of the democratic state executive 
comimittee. 

To say the least of it, there is some- 
thing mysterious about the conduct of 
the state treasurer, and while I can see 
nothing in the transaction that would 
require secrecy or evasion on the part 
of the state treasurer I cannot under- 
stand why he should have delayed giv- 
ing me the information as long as he 
did. The fact that the present state 
democratic administration has been 
forced to borrow money in order to meet 
current expenses is nothing unusual in 
so far as that party's management of 
public affairs is concerned. In attempt- 
ing to expLain this transaction to the 
state convention, Senator Simmons 
said: 

"On account of the insufficiency of the 
revenues to carry out the will of the 
people with respect to these great ob- 
jects, the present administration has 
been compelled to borrow $200,000. 
While the necessity for this loan is to 
be regretted, this money was borrowed 
to carry out the emphatic mandate of 
the people with reference to the schools 
and the asylums, and every dollar of it 
has been spent for the schools and the 
asyluims. This is not the first time there 
has been a deficit of revenues to meet 
appropriations in North Carolina. The 
fusionists, when in power, although 
they made no extra appropriations for 
the schools and the asylums, had also 
to deal with a deficit. Net a deficit 
of $200,000, but a deficit of $250,000. To 
meet this deficit they sold $140,000 of 
North Carolina bonds which the econ- 
omy of the democratic administration 
had accumulated in the treasuery as a 
sinking fund to pay the public debt, 
and used the proceeds from the sale of 
these bonds to pay public expenses." 

This is a lame attempt on the part of 
Senator Simmons to justify the action 
of the present state administration in 
borrowing money to meet the current 
expenses of the state government. The 
statement that the republicans and fu- 
sionists are responsible for the sale of 
the bonds to which he refers is with- 
out foundation. He knows that the 
treasurer was forced to sell these bonds 
for the purpose of meeting a deficiency 
created by a democratic legislature. An 
examination of the treasurer's report 
will show that there was not a dollar 
borrowed nor any bonds issued during 
the time that the expenditures of the 
state were directed by the fusion legis- 
latures of 1895 and 1897. By reference 
to page 9 of the Biennial report of the 
treasurer of North Carolina for the two 



fiscal years ending November 30th, 1899, 
and November 30th, 1900, it will be seen 
that in 1885, the state treasurer, having 
a surplus of money, bought in certain 
state bonds, and held them as an invest- 
ment for the state, and that all of these 
bonds except $136,750 were sold by the 
democratic administration. In referring 
to the matter State Treasurer Worth 
says : 

"In 1885 the treasurer, under section 
3577 of the Code, as amended by chapter 
403, laws of 1885, invested in North Car- 
olina 4 per cent, consolidated bonds an 
accumulated surplus of special taxes 
levied and collected for the purpose of 
paying interest on said bonds. The 
amount then thus invested was $247,- 
815.96, with which he purchased $272,- 
250 of bonds, at an average cost of 91.02 
per cent. 

"This investment had been sold from, 
as funds were needed with which to 
pay the 4 per cent, interest, until my 
predecessor delivered to me only $136,- 
750 of these bonds." 

The bonds sold by Mr. Worth were 
not sold until 1900/and. the sa'e was made 
necessary by the acts of the demo- 
cratis legislature of 1899. I am informed 
that no money was borrowed by the 
state treasurer prior to 1900, and no 
bonds were issued except new bonds in 
exchange for old bonds in compromise 
and settlement of the state debt under 
the act of 1879. The treasurer's reports 
for different years will show that Mr. 
Bain sold in 1889, $100,592.45 worth of 
bonds; that Mr. Bain sold in 1892, $20,- 
650 worth of bonds; and that Mr. Tate 
sold in 1894 $10,150 worth of bond.-a mak- 
ing the total sale by democratic treas- 
urers under democratic administrations 
of $131,392.45. I call Senator Simmons' 
attention to the fact that while this sum 
of money was realized for the bonds 
sold, their face value amounted to the 
sum of $135,000.00; that is, the credit of 
North Carolina was such under demo- 
cratic rule that the different treasurers 
were compelled to sell these bonds at 
less than their face value. I also call 
his attention to the fact that Mr. Worth 
sold his bonds at a premium, thus af- 
fording us indisputable evidence of the 
fact that our credit under republican 
and populist rule was far superior to 
that of democratic rule. 

These facts not only show that our 
democratic friends have been compelled 
to borrow money in order to meet the 
current expenses of the state adminis- 
tration, but they also refute the state- 
ment made by Senator Simmons in 
which he undertakes to justify ttoe ac- 



17 



tion of the present administration by 
the statement that the republicans and 
populists had been compelled to do the 
same thing - while they were in control 
of our state affairs. 

This record is in keeping with the 
one which our democratic friends have 
made with respect to the management 
of our national affairs. As I have al- 
ready stated, they were compelled to 
borrow $262,000,000 during Cleveland's 
administration, and it is but fair to as- 
sume that the sum which they have 
already borrowed in this state is but a 
mere bagatelle as compared to what 
they TOill be compelled to borrow in the 
future. 

Senator Simmons admitted in his 
speech the other day that they had ex- 
pended more money under the three 
years of democratic rule than had been 
expended in the same length of time 
under republican rule, but he under- 
took to justify the action of the state 
administration upon the ground that 
the increase in expenditures was due to 
the payment of money for the educa- 
tion of the children of the state, etc. 

Senator Simmons insists that a large 
portion of these expenditures are for 
the benefit of Confederate pensioners, 
and would have us believe that ample 
provision has been made for all who 
served in the Confederate army and are 
now incapacitated for manual labor, 
but he failed to mention the fact that 
$200,000.00 is the limit beyond which the 
state treasurer cannot go in the pay- 
ment of pensions to this unfortunate 
class of people. I call attention to the 
following' statement taken from the 
Raleigh Post, a democratic paper, with 
respect to the increase in the number 
of applicants under the recent act, and 
its effect on those who are now draw- 
ing pensions: 

"An exceptionally large number of ap- 
plications for pensions to Confederate 
veterans are being received in the office 
of the state auditor. They are pouring 
in on every mail, and there is every 
reason to believe that the total num- 
ber will be far in excess of those for any 
previous year. Of course none of those 
now drawing- pensions will have to ap- 
ply, so every successful applicant will 
be a new pensioner. If the applications 
received are allowed the pensions will 
all be greatly reduced. Those now iin 
hand would so reduce the per capita 
allowances that where a veteran now 
receives $20 he could scarcely get next 
year under the re-apportionment more 
than $14 or $15." 

The statement makes it clear that in- 



stead cf increasing the pension of Con- 
federate soldiers, the recent legislation 
will have the effect to reduce ihe small 
sums paid to this worthy class of peo- 
pel. There is no limitation fixed when 
it comes to expending money for the 
impeachment of the Supreme court 
judges for partisan purposes, nor is 
there any limitation when it comes to 
the expenditure of money for the pay- 
ment of expenses of those who have 
violated election laws in order that 
the democratic party may be perpet- 
uated in power in the state of North 
Carolina, and the taxpayers are calm- 
ly advised by the democratic leaders 
that they must "grin and bear it" as 
these things are done in order that we 
may have good government. 

He forgot to tell us about the $7,- 
699.39 that was expended in the im- 
peachment trial of the republican 
judges who were declared to be inno- 
cent by a democratic legislature. The 
effort to convict these judges was in- 
spired by those who desired to secure 
control of the Supreme court for parti- 
san purposes, and is but another evi- 
dence of the extent to which the ma- 
chine democrats of North Carolina will 
go when in quest of office. 

He also neglected to tell us about the 
democratic legislature increasing the 
governor's salary one thousand dollars 
within ten days after the legislature as- 
sembled. This increase was made in 
the face of the fact that he is furnished 
a mansion with all expenses paid, the 
rent of which, in any city, would be at 
least $15,000.00 per annum. Governor 
Russell and the other predecessors of 
Governor Aycock served the people of 
North Carolina for a salary of $3000.00 
per annum, but in order that the people 
of the state should have the full bene- 
fit of "good government" it was decided 
by a democratic legislature that the 
governor's salary should be increased. 

He also neglected to say anything 
about the payment of expenses incurred 
by the registrars who were indicted for 
violation of the United States laws in 
refusing to register duly qualified vot- 
ers. The last legislature among other 
things passed a law authorizing the 
payment of all expenses incurred by the 
election officials who violated the law at 
the election at which the members of 
the legislature were chosen. Many of 
the members were indebted to the in- 
dicted election officials for the certifi- 
cates of election which they held, and 
their action with respect to appropria- 
ting money to be used for the purpose 
of defending this class of individuals 



18 



shows that these gentlemen were pos- 
sessed of a spirit of giatitude, to say the 
least of it, but I am inclined to the 
opinion that the average taxpayer of 
the state will insist that they ought 
to have used their individual funds 
instead of requiring the people of the 
state to defray the expenses of those 
who were indicted for crime committed 
in the performance of heroic service in 
their behalf. It is bad enough to Wink 
at those who commit election frauds, 
but this action on the part of the dem- 
ocratic legislature wherein the viola- 
tion of law by election officials is recog- 
nized by statute is something new in 
the way of legislation. 

Increase of Judges 

We have heard a great deal of talk 
about republican extravagance in the 
past, and we were told in 1876 that we 
had too many judges, etc., and that if 
the democrats ever got into power, in- 
stead of increasing the number of offi- 
cers in the state, there would be a 
gradual reduction in every department 
until we were placed upon a Jefferso- 
nian basis. However, in utter disre- 
gard of its pledges, the last democratic 
legislature increased the number of 
judges from 12 to 16, thereby creating a 
mumber of nice positions for democratic 
politicians in dfferent parts of the state. 
The increase of judges in my opinion 
wag entirely unnecessary. 1 am satis- 
fied you will bear me out in the state- 
ment that 12 judges were able to dis- 
patch all the business that ""is to be 
found upon the court dockets in the 
various counties in the state. It is do 
uncommon thing to have a judge only 
spend one or two days at a court, and 
they rarely ever consume the full time 
allotted by law except in the larger 
cities where the dockets are somewhat 
congested. The districts could easily 
have been rearranged and the work 
more equitahly distributed and adjust- 
ed so that 12 judges could have trans- 
acted the business without inconven- 
ience, but our democratic friends had a 
nurmber of patriots on their hands 
whose condition was such that nothing 
short of an office could bring peace and 
harmony in the democratic councils. 
The last legislature devoted much of its 
time to the creation of new offices, and 
I am informed by a distinguished Supe- 
rior court judge that before the demo- 
crats left Raleigh each member and 
senator filed a laborers' lien on some 
one of the positions that had been cre- 
ated. In some instances there was a 
conflict as to the rights of individuals, 



especially in cases where liens had been 
filed on a particular place by a number 
of legislators, and in such cases Gov. 
Aycock, sitting as a chancellor, was 
very much embarrassed, and I am told 
that although he could not give every 
member of the legslature an office, at 
the same time he recognized the rights 
of those who ha.i filed liens, giving pre- 
ference of course to those who had vot- 
ed for the impeachment of the judges. 
There are many other instances 
wherein exDenditures have been in- 
creased, but I will not undertake on 
this occasion to enter into details. 

Education Talk Is Late 

The democratic platform recentlj 
adopted at Greensboro declares in favoi 
of educating the people. This declara- 
tion comes rather late, especially when 
we consider the record of the demo- 
cratic party during its lease of power 
prior to 1895. I aim glad to know that 
the democrats are at last 'willing to join 
hands with the republicans in their 
efforts to educate the people, realizing 
as w r e do that the education of the 
masses will result in more good to the 
people than any other one thing that 
can be done by those who are entrusted 
with the management of our state af- 
fairs. From 1870 until 1895 the demo- 
cratic party was in control of the leg- 
islative branch of the government and 
from 1876 to 1895 they were in contiol of 
the executive .branch and during that 
time illiteracy among those of 21 years 
of age and upwards increased on an 
average of afbout 1000 per annum, while 
on the other hand the republican party 
in 1868 provided for the common schools 
of the state by inserting a clause in 
our state constitution which favors 
secures to the poor children of the 
state a system of free schools. It was 
the alliance members of the legislature, 
aided by the republicans, that increased 
the school tax to 16 cents in 1891, and 
it was the populist amd republican legis- 
lature that increased it to 18 cents. The 
increase in valuation of real and per- 
sonal property for the yea r s 1897 and 
1898 resulted in an increase in the 
school fund or ahout $54,000.00, and with 
these facts staring Senator Simmons in 
the face, he declared at the recent dem- 
ocratic convention that there had be^n 
no incrase in the public school fund 
during the republican and populist ad- 
ministration. 

According to the census, 23 per cent 
of the white people of North Carolina 
can neither read nor write. The recent 
amendment adopted to our state consti- 



19 



ffQftTH CAROLmA STATE LIBRARY* 



tution provides that of those who come 
of age after 1908 only those who can 
read and write the constitution in the 
English language will be permitted to 
vote. It is utterly impossible to talk 
about reducing the per cent, of illit- 
eracy so as to enable every white man 
to vote under that provision of the con- 
stitution. Massachusetts, with her fine 
educational system and splendid school 
facilities, has only been able to reduce 
the rate of illiteracy in that state 1-4 
of 1 per cent per annum, and under the 
most favorable conditions at least 20 
per cent of the white people of North 
Carolina will be denied the right to vote 
under this provision of our constitution, 
and will be thereby classed with the 
illiterate negro and the felons of the 
state. According to Senator Simmons' 
admission, about 18,000 white people 
have already been denied the right to 
vote under the poll tax provision, the 
payment of which was purposely fixed 
on the first day of May with a view of 
getting rid of as many poor people as 
possible. Gov. Ay cock and other lead- 
ers of the democratic party assured 
our people that not a single white man 
would be disfranchised by law, and be- 
hold, 18,000, many of whom are the de- 
scendants of those who followed Lee 
and Jackson on the one hand, and 
Grant and Sherman on the other, have 
been denied the right to vote. If this 
unfortunate class of people had been 
given an opportunity to pay their poll 
tax on or before election day, many of 
those who are now disfranchised could 
have qualified to vote. This class of 
people who are required to work the 
public roads and in time of war go to 
the front and fight the nation's bat- 
tles, and who are required to perform 
other public duties, should mot under 
any circumstances be denied the right 
of casting their votes for those who are 



to administer our public affairs. 

The democratic party has nominattd 
for chief justice of the Supreme court 
a. man whose record as a judge is of 
such a character as to justify me in 
the assertion that he is not the proper 
person to occupy the exalted position 
to which he has been nominated. It is 
a well known fact that a majority of 
the lawyers of the state of North Caro- 
lina were opposed to the nomination of 
Judge Clark. It is also true that a 
majority of those who control and 
manage our business affairs were op- 
posed to his nomination, but in the 
face of all this opposition he was nom- 
inated with almost unanimity by the 
democratic convention. The nomina- 
tion of Judge Clark under the circum- 
stances affords us a forcible illustra- 
tion of the powerful influence of the 
democratic machine in North Carolina. 
Although the people of the state pre- 
ferred another, it was decreed by those 
who were in control of the party ma- 
chinery in North Carolina that onfc 
who was in full sympathy with the 
legislation enacted by the last general 
assembly should be nominated. 

When we come to consider the policy 
of the democratic party in the state 
with respect to corporations and our 
business interests generally I am not 
at all surprised at the nomination of 
Judge Clark, and I am free to confess 
that in my opinion he is the ablest ex- 
ponent of the ideas entertained by the 
machine democrats that could have been 
found within our borders. His nomina- 
tion should cause every conservative 
business man to join with those who are 
in favor of a fair and impartial admin- 
istration of our laws in an effort to se- 
cure the election of some one as chief 
justice who will command the confi- 
dence of all classes of our people. 



^^ Carolina State 
Raleigh 



20 



GC 329.01 P961b 

Pritchard, Jeter Connelly. 

The brightest day of Republicanism : a 



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Pr it chard 

"The brightest day of Republicanism" 







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